Vince Young And Economic Mobility

Vince Young in happier times. His rapid rise and sudden fall constitute a cautionary tale. But behind it all there is good news about economic opportunity and upward mobility. [Credit: Dallas Morning News]

Vince Young in hap­pi­er times. His rapid rise and sud­den fall tell a cau­tion­ary tale. But a new study pro­vides wel­come news about eco­nom­ic oppor­tu­ni­ty and upward mobil­i­ty. [Cred­it: Dal­las Morn­ing News]

Vince Young is bank­rupt.  The sto­ry of a star col­lege quar­ter­back who rose from hum­ble cir­cum­stances to impos­si­ble wealth only to plunge into insol­ven­cy in the course of eight years is one marked by extrav­a­gant spend­ing, fool­ish invest­ments and, he has argued in court doc­u­ments, exploita­tion by agents, busi­ness asso­ciates, fam­i­ly and friends.  His is an extreme exam­ple of eco­nom­ic mobility.

Reports of Young’s bank­rupt­cy fil­ing coin­cid­ed with the release this week of a new study by a group of Har­vard and Berke­ley econ­o­mists that reached an unex­pect­ed con­clu­sion: upward eco­nom­ic mobil­i­ty is not the exclu­sive province of entre­pre­neurs, enter­tain­ers and star ath­letes like Young. The Nation­al Bureau of Eco­nom­ic Research [NBER] report con­clud­ed that “chil­dren enter­ing the labor mar­ket today have the same chances of mov­ing up in the income dis­tri­b­u­tion (rel­a­tive to their par­ents) as chil­dren born in the 1970s.”

Eco­nom­ic mobil­i­ty in the US is not in decline, despite what you may hear in Tuesday’s State of the Union Address or what you may have read on this web­site.  Amer­i­ca is still, as the report’s title sug­gests, “a land of opportunity.”

Oppor­tu­ni­ties, of course, can be squan­dered. Vince Young’s rise to nation­al promi­nence reached warp speed dur­ing the 2006 Rose Bowl, when his touch­down run with just 19 sec­onds to play won a nation­al cham­pi­onship for the Uni­ver­si­ty of Texas. That spring, he was the third play­er cho­sen in the NFL draft, sign­ing a five-year con­tract with the Ten­nessee Titans that guar­an­teed him $26 mil­lion and includ­ed incen­tives that could earn him mil­lions more.

He was a 2006 Pro Bowl selec­tion and was hon­ored as Offen­sive Rook­ie of the Year. He helped lead his team to the play­offs in 2007 and seemed des­tined for still bet­ter things until he sprained his knee dur­ing the first game of the 2008 sea­son. Ker­ry Collins replaced him as quar­ter­back and nev­er relin­quished the start­ing role that sea­son, lead­ing the Titans to an NFL-best 13–3 record.  Young, though ful­ly recov­ered from his knee injury, looked on from the side­lines for the remain­der of that season.

The Titans released Young after the 2010 sea­son and he signed with Philadel­phia as a back­up. Eagles coach Andy Reid insert­ed Young into the line­up in the fourth quar­ter of a game in Decem­ber 2011. The Eagles were up 45–13 at the time. Young was play­ing only to give the starters a rest and pro­tect them from injury in a game that already was won. He was sacked on his final play, a por­tent of things to come. He nev­er took anoth­er snap in pro­fes­sion­al foot­ball. A career that began with great promise was over at age 28.

Judges and lawyers are at work try­ing to learn where the esti­mat­ed $45 mil­lion in salaries and endorse­ments that he earned between 2006 and 2011 has gone. In seek­ing the refuge of bank­rupt­cy court, he told the judge that he has no more than $1 mil­lion in assets, as much as $10 mil­lion in debt and no way to keep his cred­i­tors at bay.

Born in a poor Hous­ton neigh­bor­hood in 1983, Young had rough­ly a 9 per­cent chance of ris­ing from the bot­tom quin­tile in which he was born to the top quin­tile by age 26, accord­ing to the authors of the NBER study [Table 4]. That’s not much dif­fer­ent from the prospects for some­one born in sim­i­lar cir­cum­stances dur­ing the pre­vi­ous generation.

The study is based on a review of tax infor­ma­tion from tens of mil­lions of peo­ple born between 1971 and 1993, peo­ple who now range in age from 20 to their ear­ly 40s. The data show a sur­pris­ing per­sis­tence of eco­nom­ic mobil­i­ty. The jump from the bot­tom to the top quin­tile — par­tic­u­lar­ly at age 26 —  is a huge one. In 2011, the aver­age income in the bot­tom quin­tile was $11,239, com­pared with $178,020 in the top quin­tile.  It’s a short­er, though still con­sid­er­able, step up for some­one born in the mid­dle quin­tile. Such a per­son born in 1971 had an 18.5 per­cent chance of reach­ing the top quin­tile by age 26; for some­one born in 1986, the chance was slight­ly greater at 19.8 percent.

The authors com­pared their study to an ear­li­er one show­ing that inter­gen­er­a­tional eco­nom­ic mobil­i­ty did not change sig­nif­i­cant­ly between the 1950 and 1970 cohorts [p. 10], lead­ing them to con­clude that such mobil­i­ty “remained remark­ably sta­ble over the sec­ond half of the twen­ti­eth cen­tu­ry” [p. 10].

They note, para­dox­i­cal­ly, that this rate of eco­nom­ic mobil­i­ty has per­sist­ed amid ris­ing income inequal­i­ty [p. 11]. Par­ents in the top 1 per­cent account­ed for a larg­er share of income in 1992 (20.1 per­cent) than in 1971 (10.1 per­cent) [Table 6].

The authors pos­tu­late that this inequal­i­ty hasn’t affect­ed over­all mobil­i­ty because it is large­ly con­fined to the very high­est earn­ers. “The cor­re­la­tion between inequal­i­ty and mobil­i­ty is dri­ven pri­mar­i­ly by ‘mid­dle class’ inequal­i­ty,” they write. Inequal­i­ty among the 99 per­cent hasn’t var­ied all that much between the 1971 and 1993 birth cohorts, the authors note. “From this per­spec­tive, it is less sur­pris­ing that mobil­i­ty has not changed sig­nif­i­cant­ly despite the rise in inequal­i­ty” [p. 11].

To illus­trate this para­dox, they write:

A use­ful visu­al anal­o­gy is to envi­sion the income dis­tri­b­u­tion as a lad­der, with each per­centile rep­re­sent­ing a dif­fer­ent rung. The rungs of the lad­der have grown fur­ther apart (inequal­i­ty has increased), but children’s chances of climb­ing from low­er to high­er rungs have not changed (rank-based mobil­i­ty has remained sta­ble) [p. 1].

Peo­ple are still scal­ing the lad­der at rates com­pa­ra­ble to those of pre­vi­ous gen­er­a­tions despite neg­a­tive trends like declin­ing test scores, dimin­ished “parental inputs,” and declin­ing “social con­nect­ed­ness,” the authors note. They spec­u­late in a foot­note that this may be due to “coun­ter­vail­ing social trends” like improved civ­il rights for minori­ties and broad­er access to high­er edu­ca­tion, but leave more com­plete expla­na­tions for future researchers to ponder.

They are con­tent to present encour­ag­ing data at a some­what dis­cour­ag­ing time: one of our core social val­ues remains intact. Amer­i­ca is as eco­nom­i­cal­ly mobile today as it has been for last sev­er­al generations.

The Pres­i­dent can be expect­ed to tell a dif­fer­ent sto­ry on Tues­day night. He will report­ed­ly reprise the theme of a speech last Decem­ber when he said that Amer­i­cans today “expe­ri­ence in a very per­son­al way the relent­less, decades-long trend [of] … a dan­ger­ous and grow­ing inequal­i­ty and lack of upward mobil­i­ty that has jeop­ar­dized mid­dle-class America’s basic bar­gain — that if you work hard, you have a chance to get ahead.”

That basic bar­gain may be more robust than the Pres­i­dent imag­ines, if the NBER study’s find­ings are cor­rect. It may explain why he has strug­gled to make inequal­i­ty and a pre­sumed decline in mobil­i­ty win­ning polit­i­cal issues. Only 1 per­cent of respon­dents in a recent Quin­nip­i­ac poll list­ed income inequal­i­ty as a top pri­or­i­ty for the Pres­i­dent and Con­gress this year. The Pres­i­dent and his par­ty would like that num­ber to grow. His hope is to per­suade vot­ers that the prob­lem is urgent and that his par­ty is best equipped to address it.

He seems unlike­ly to suc­ceed, in part because his mes­sage is so dis­cor­dant. On one hand, he argues that the econ­o­my is on the mend and that he should be cred­it­ed with cre­at­ing mil­lions of jobs; on the oth­er hand, he por­trays a stag­nant Amer­i­ca, one in which the poor and mid­dle class are bereft of hope, save in gov­ern­ment intervention.

That’s not to say that income inequal­i­ty is a mat­ter of lit­tle con­cern or that gov­ern­ment should neglect it. I’ve sug­gest­ed else­where that social wel­fare pro­grams bear close re-exam­i­na­tion in light of chang­ing social trends and that Fed­er­al Reserve poli­cies should be revamped, since they have tend­ed to ben­e­fit the wealth­i­est while doing lit­tle to spur broad­er eco­nom­ic growth or job cre­ation. I’ve argued that things like wealth tax­es, caps on CEO salaries and min­i­mum wage increas­es don’t effec­tive­ly address the prob­lem. And I’ve cit­ed the need to seek out new approach­es that may not com­port with the pre­ferred ortho­dox­ies of either party.

Inequal­i­ty is a sig­nif­i­cant prob­lem that remains poor­ly under­stood. That it evi­dent­ly coex­ists with upward mobil­i­ty is heartening.

All of which pro­vides a hope­ful mes­sage for Vince Young. He is still just 30 years old, with many poten­tial­ly pro­duc­tive years ahead.  Once he puts his legal and finan­cial prob­lems behind him, oppor­tu­ni­ty awaits.