A Modest (And Potentially Bipartisan) Obamacare Proposal

Here are three changes Congress should make to Obamacare: 1) no cancellations; 2) no bailouts; 3) no tax on the uninsured. [Credit: thinkquest.org]

Here are three changes Con­gress should make to Oba­macare: 1) no can­cel­la­tions; 2) no bailouts; 3) no tax on the unin­sured. [Cred­it: thinkquest.org]

Here’s a crazy idea: Repub­li­cans and at least some Democ­rats say they sup­port mak­ing changes to Oba­macare; why doesn’t Con­gress give vot­ers a pleas­ant sur­prise and change it?

These changes would be polit­i­cal­ly pop­u­lar, rel­a­tive­ly mod­est and enjoy at least some bipar­ti­san sup­port. Although the pre­vail­ing polit­i­cal cli­mate makes it hard for law­mak­ers to do any­thing of sub­stance, mak­ing the health care law more friend­ly to con­sumers and less accom­mo­dat­ing to cor­po­rate inter­ests would appeal to vot­ers across the spectrum.

To under­stand why, start with the cur­rent state of the law’s imple­men­ta­tion.  Obamacare’s first open enroll­ment peri­od has passed the mid­way point and the results remain some­what dif­fi­cult to eval­u­ate.   On the one hand, more peo­ple are select­ing plans.  On the oth­er hand, they don’t appear to be the peo­ple that the law’s archi­tects had hoped or expect­ed to select them.

They are, to begin with, dis­pro­por­tion­ate­ly old­er.  Fig­ures released last week by HHS   indi­cate that 1/3 of the 2.2 mil­lion peo­ple who select­ed plans offered through the exchanges are between the ages of 55 and 64.  Only 15 per­cent are between the ages of 26 and 34, the group that is most like­ly to be unin­sured and the one whose busi­ness insur­ers most covet.

More detailed infor­ma­tion from oth­er sources pro­vides anoth­er trou­bling sign: it appears that most of the peo­ple who have so far select­ed plans already had insur­ance.  The Wall Street Jour­nal recent­ly report­ed on a sur­vey of over 4,500 peo­ple con­duct­ed by McK­in­sey & Co., which found that only 11 per­cent of exchange enrollees pre­vi­ous­ly lacked cov­er­age.   The Jour­nal also reports on data pro­vid­ed by Health Mar­kets Inc., an insur­ance agency that has enrolled around 7,500 peo­ple in exchange plans.  Of those, near­ly 2/3 pre­vi­ous­ly had cov­er­age.  They signed up for exchange plans either because the gov­ern­ment required their insur­er to can­cel their pol­i­cy, because their employ­er dropped their cov­er­age, or because they pre­ferred sub­si­dized insur­ance sold through the exchanges to their exist­ing policies.

Then there is Med­ic­aid.  The Admin­is­tra­tion and some state offi­cials have sug­gest­ed that those signups are going great guns, with HHS report­ing near­ly 4 mil­lion enroll­ments in Octo­ber and Novem­ber alone. But a clos­er look at those num­bers by Sean Trende of Real Clear Pol­i­tics shows that the fig­ure is high­ly mis­lead­ing.  Med­ic­aid, unlike the exchanges, has been around for 50 years.  Peo­ple apply for Med­ic­aid all the time.  In fact, accord­ing to the HHS report (p. 5), aver­age enroll­ment in Octo­ber and Novem­ber actu­al­ly declined in states that expand­ed Med­ic­aid.  The aver­age num­ber of month­ly Med­ic­aid appli­ca­tions was high­er in July-Sep­tem­ber than in Octo­ber-Novem­ber in those expan­sion states.  And of the 1.7 mil­lion enroll­ments that occurred in Novem­ber, 780,000 (45 per­cent) were in states that did not expand Med­ic­aid.  In all, of that 4 mil­lion in Med­ic­aid enroll­ments, Trende attrib­ut­es about 190,000 – 380,000 to the Oba­macare Med­ic­aid expan­sion.  While his analy­sis is by his own admis­sion rough, it is clear that the 4 mil­lion fig­ure great­ly over­states new Med­ic­aid enroll­ments attrib­ut­able to Oba­macare, prompt­ing Poli­ti­fact to give itself 3 Pinoc­chios for hav­ing ini­tial­ly accept­ed the fig­ure at face value

Few­er unin­sured peo­ple than expect­ed have so far signed up for cov­er­age through Med­ic­aid and the exchanges.  That sug­gests that Oba­macare may fall con­sid­er­ably short of expec­ta­tions. The num­bers, of course, only con­sti­tute a snap­shot.  The next three months may pro­duce very dif­fer­ent results. It is far too ear­ly to con­clude, as many of the law’s crit­ics pre­dict and some of its sup­port­ers wor­ry, that the law will fail.

But what if those trends do hold up?  What if Oba­macare ends up large­ly enrolling peo­ple who already had cov­er­age and those who pre­vi­ous­ly couldn’t get it because of their med­ical con­di­tions?  What if mil­lions of peo­ple just don’t want health insur­ance, even if the gov­ern­ment sub­si­dizes it?

The pre­sump­tion behind Oba­macare is that pret­ty much every­one wants health cov­er­age.  There has long been con­sid­er­able evi­dence that they don’t.  About 20 per­cent of work­ers decline employ­er-spon­sored health ben­e­fits.  It is esti­mat­ed that in 2009, 4.5 mil­lion of 39 mil­lion unin­sured adults (11.5 per­cent) were eli­gi­ble for full Med­ic­aid ben­e­fits but did not enroll.  And Med­ic­aid is free.  Then there’s that healthy cohort of peo­ple aged 19–34 that insur­ers are try­ing so des­per­ate­ly to attract.  Their youth and well-being make them a very hard sell. They are near­ly twice as like­ly to be unin­sured as the rest of the under 65 pop­u­la­tion — 27.2 per­cent vs. 14.4 per­cent —  which is part­ly because they don’t want or need cov­er­age.  Pass­ing a law didn’t sud­den­ly make these peo­ple crave health insurance.

Some have argued that insur­ers won’t be able to turn a prof­it unless peo­ple who don’t want cov­er­age buy it any­way.  It’s hard to say for sure.  Com­ments made by health insur­ance CEOs dur­ing the recent JP Mor­gan Health­care Con­fer­ence sug­gest that insur­ers real­ly aren’t all that wor­ried about dis­ap­point­ing enroll­ment num­bers.   “We believe that over time, a lot of these bumps will work them­selves out,” Joe Swedish, pres­i­dent of Well­point, the country’s sec­ond-largest health plan, recent­ly told the Wash­ing­ton Post.  “We have always expect­ed it to have a sort of lumpi­ness to it, the roll­out. It’s cer­tain­ly become more lumpy than one would have pre­dict­ed [but] over time, this will work out.”

The Post also quotes from a note pre­pared by a JP Mor­gan health care ana­lyst which sug­gests that insur­ance com­pa­nies nev­er expect­ed much rev­enue from the prod­ucts they sell through the exchanges. “Although they may gar­ner the most head­lines, we do not expect the new health ben­e­fit mar­ket­places to be a sig­nif­i­cant fac­tor to 2014 earn­ings,” the analy­sis stat­ed. “We think the down­side risk of low ini­tial enroll­ment for large, diver­si­fied man­aged care com­pa­nies is lim­it­ed giv­en that this is a rel­a­tive­ly small por­tion of their business.”

Do the exchanges real­ly mat­ter that lit­tle to insur­ers?  The Post notes that the pro­por­tion of the pop­u­la­tion expect­ed to enroll through the exchanges is rel­a­tive­ly small.  CBO projects that around 7 mil­lion pre­vi­ous­ly unin­sured peo­ple will enroll in plans sold through the exchanges this year.  Com­pare that to the 171 mil­lion peo­ple that were cov­ered under employ­er-spon­sored plans in 2012.  And even if young peo­ple sign up for exchanges at just half the pro­ject­ed rate, insur­ers still will turn a prof­it, accord­ing to a Kaiser Fam­i­ly Foun­da­tion study. So if the exchanges end up being a bit “lumpy” and don’t attract a lot of young peo­ple, insur­ers arguably can make do.

It is, of course, pos­si­ble that these ana­lysts and insur­ance exec­u­tives are under­stat­ing the risk of exchanges col­laps­ing in a “death spi­ral.”  Per­haps they’re sim­ply try­ing to be sup­port­ive of the law and of their own stock prices. Time will tell.  If insur­ers make a prof­it, Oba­macare will suc­ceed.  If loss­es cause them to aban­don the exchanges, it will fail.

Either way, the prof­itabil­i­ty of a par­tic­u­lar indus­try isn’t the tax­pay­ers’ cross to bear. All of the hand-wring­ing and spec­u­la­tion about young and healthy peo­ple sign­ing up, as I have not­ed pre­vi­ous­ly, is real­ly noth­ing more than fret­ting over the prof­itabil­i­ty of insur­ance com­pa­nies. That is not the government’s con­cern.  Its objec­tive is to make health insur­ance more wide­ly avail­able and afford­able.  Oba­macare offers one way to achieve that goal.  Gov­ern­ment should not, in pur­suit of this objec­tive, pad the bot­tom line of insur­ance companies.

Oba­macare should advance the inter­ests of con­sumers, not cor­po­ra­tions.   Unfor­tu­nate­ly, that is not always the case.  The law includes pro­vi­sions that harm con­sumers in the inter­est of boost­ing cor­po­rate prof­its.  It is laden with bil­lions in cor­po­rate wel­fare pay­ments to insur­ance com­pa­nies.  Sub­si­dies are sup­posed to be for peo­ple who buy insur­ance, but Oba­macare includes plen­ty of hand­outs to cor­po­ra­tions that sell it.

James Capret­ta and Yuval Levin recent­ly advo­cat­ed in the pages of the Week­ly Stan­dard for changes to the law that I have pre­vi­ous­ly endorsed.  These changes can eas­i­ly be sum­ma­rized: no can­cel­la­tions, no bailouts, no tax on the unin­sured.

  • No can­cel­la­tions.  Pri­or to Oba­macare, insur­ers were required to renew poli­cies that they sold to indi­vid­u­als and small busi­ness­es.  Oba­macare turned this con­sumer pro­tec­tion on its head, mak­ing it ille­gal for insur­ers to renew such cov­er­age.  The idea was to force as many peo­ple as pos­si­ble out of the cov­er­age they liked and into the exchanges, ben­e­fit­ing cor­po­ra­tions that sold prod­ucts there.  Mil­lions had their cov­er­age can­celled.  But oth­er indi­vid­u­als and busi­ness­es avoid­ed los­ing their cov­er­age by renew­ing it before the new require­ments kicked in this past Jan­u­ary 1.  Those poli­cies will expire lat­er this year.  Con­gress should pre­vent future can­cel­la­tions by rein­stat­ing the pre-Oba­macare con­sumer pro­tec­tion that guar­an­tees the renewa­bil­i­ty of exist­ing indi­vid­ual and small group coverage.
  • No bailouts.  There are two hid­den pro­vi­sions in Oba­macare that pro­vide direct cor­po­rate wel­fare to insur­ers that sell through the exchanges.  The first is the $10 bil­lion that gov­ern­ment is col­lect­ing from employ­er and union-spon­sored plans and giv­ing to insur­ers who sell through the exchanges. [NOTE: Capret­ta and Levin did not specif­i­cal­ly cite this pro­vi­sion in their Week­ly Stan­dard piece.] The sec­ond is a “risk cor­ri­dor” pro­gram under which the gov­ern­ment will poten­tial­ly trans­fer bil­lions in tax­pay­er mon­ey to insur­ers that sell through the exchanges to lim­it their loss­es.  Both pro­vi­sions are sheer cor­po­rate wel­fare.  Both should be repealed.
  • No tax on the unin­sured.  Per­haps the least pop­u­lar pro­vi­sion of the law is its impo­si­tion of a tax penal­ty on peo­ple who don’t buy health insur­ance.  The IRS should not penal­ize peo­ple who don’t want cov­er­age.  Con­gress should repeal the tax on the uninsured.

These changes would make Oba­macare more of what Amer­i­cans say they want and what many thought they were get­ting.  If Con­gress were to enact them, Oba­macare would become a pro­gram under which peo­ple could keep the cov­er­age they like and buy the cov­er­age they need regard­less of their med­ical con­di­tion. Gov­ern­ment would no longer penal­ize peo­ple who don’t want insur­ance.  And insur­ance com­pa­nies could no longer count on bil­lions in hand­outs from taxpayers.

For Democ­rats who are run­ning on the propo­si­tion that they want to fix Oba­macare,   these pro­vi­sions rep­re­sent an oppor­tu­ni­ty to show they mean it.  For Repub­li­cans who hope to repeal Oba­macare in 2017, this is a chance to give con­sumers and tax­pay­ers some relief in the meantime.

The Pres­i­dent prob­a­bly wouldn’t like this bill.  Con­gres­sion­al lead­ers of both par­ties also might object – Demo­c­ra­t­ic lead­ers because they regard the law as untouch­able, Repub­li­can lead­ers because they don’t want to give Democ­rats the oppor­tu­ni­ty to cast polit­i­cal­ly pop­u­lar votes to amend it.   But with suf­fi­cient sup­port from Mem­bers in both par­ties, that could change.  Har­ry Reid has turned the Sen­ate into a leg­isla­tive bone­yard, but even he might have trou­ble with­stand­ing pres­sure from with­in his own cau­cus to act, par­tic­u­lar­ly in an elec­tion year.

A bipar­ti­san effort to change Oba­macare is indeed a crazy idea.  It is also one that vot­ers would embrace.

2 thoughts on “A Modest (And Potentially Bipartisan) Obamacare Proposal”

    • It’s a bad law that should nev­er have been passed and deserves repeal. Repeal, how­ev­er, is not fea­si­ble until we get a new Pres­i­dent and a Con­gress under GOP con­trol. That is 3 years away. In the mean­time, the gov­ern­ment is get­ting ready to can­cel cov­er­age of mil­lions more peo­ple (the deba­cle of last fall was just the first wave of can­cel­la­tions), tax peo­ple for not buy­ing cov­er­age, and shov­el untold bil­lions in tax­pay­er mon­ey to insur­ance com­pa­nies that have agreed to help imple­ment Oba­macare. Con­gress can stand by and watch all of this hap­pen, wait­ing until 2017 when repeal might be fea­si­ble; or it can act to stop the law’s worst abus­es now. I’m for doing what’s pos­si­ble now.

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