
Some Obamacare supporters claim that 10 million uninsured Americans have so far gained coverage thanks to the new law. Are they right? (Credit: AP)
“Let’s look at the bottom line. The bottom line is this: 10 million Americans have health insurance today who would not have had it without the Affordable Care Act. Ten million.” — Sen. Richard Durbin (D‑IL)
Obamacare critics have taken considerable pleasure in pointing out the law’s shortcomings — canceled policies, higher premiums and cost-sharing, narrow networks — the list goes on.
Now that the website’s worst problems have been resolved and enrollment numbers look more respectable, you can hardly blame the law’s embattled advocates for using favorable numbers a bit loosely. After all, if those who find fault with the law have sometimes behaved irresponsibly, why shouldn’t its defenders stretch the truth a bit?
There’s just one problem: the claim that the law has resulted in 10 million newly insured Americans is more than a stretch. It’s a whopper.
Where did the 10 million figure come from? Senator Durbin appears to have added the number of people who were reported to have selected plans in the exchanges through February 1 (3.3 million) to the number of people who were determined by state agencies to be eligible for Medicaid over the last three months of 2013 (6.3 million), and then rounded 9.6 million up to an even 10 million.
Simple math that is simply wrong. The topline numbers from those two government reports are quite misleading. You have to dig through their details to ascertain more accurate numbers and concede that precise estimates of how many people have gained coverage through the law are simply not possible.
In this post, I will look at the most recent CMS report on exchange enrollment, doing my best to hew as closely as possible to the facts and minimize speculation. In a subsequent post, I will look at Medicaid enrollment.
For those who hate charts and numbers, here are two key takeaways, so you don’t have to read on.
- 3.3 million people had selected plans through February 1, the most recent date for which complete data are available; that number eclipsed 4 million late last month, although we have no information yet about those roughly 700,000 additional people.
- That does not mean that 4 million uninsured people now have obtained coverage. The number is almost certainly much lower than that — probably in the range of 500,000 to 800,000 — although the Administration hasn’t collected adequate data to provide a more precise estimate.
If that is all of the numbers you care to think about, no need to read further. But if you want to know more, start with this chart, which you can click to enlarge.
The chart shows how many people “selected plans” (which is different from actually buying insurance, as I will explain later) through the exchanges in each of the first four months of open season, which began last October 1. Perhaps the most striking feature is how badly things were going last fall when the website was working so poorly and how well things went in December, when an estimated 1.79 million people selected plans. Nearly 10 times as many people selected plans in the most recent two months (December-January) than in the previous two months (October-November), a testament to the Administration officials and government contractors who pulled the program back from disaster.
A closer look shows that enrollments aren’t trending in a favorable direction. Note that 1.15 million selected a plan in January, a 36 percent drop from the December enrollment figure. (The fact that total enrollments didn’t reach 4 million until late February suggests that monthly enrollments fell further last month, but that won’t become clear until CMS releases more complete February data.)
And it’s actually worse than that. For reasons that aren’t entirely clear, CMS stopped counting December enrollments on December 28, meaning that CMS’s “December” lasted just four weeks. CMS’s month of “January” actually began on December 29 and ended February 1. So it is comparing a five-week “January” with a four-week “December” and still showing a 36 percent decline in enrollments.
Chances are, people whose policies had been canceled were scrambling to sign up for coverage before the end of the year and that lots of activity occurred during those last 3 days of December. If we compared 31-day months, I suspect that more than 2 million people enrolled during December and fewer than 1 million selected plans in January and that the actual enrollment drop was more than 50 percent.
In any event, there was no enrollment “surge” in January, though that is how the press generally reported it, and preliminary indications are that there was none in February either. That’s somewhat troubling, although it’s reasonable to expect that the March 31 deadline for open season enrollment will make March a very big month.
The next chart examines the ages of people who have selected plans through the exchanges.
The chart shows enrollment by age group, with the blue bars representing enrollment through December 28 and the red bars representing enrollment through February 1. Overall, the numbers are not very encouraging. The largest group of enrollees (30.7 percent as of February 1) is 55–64 year-olds, and more than half (53 percent) are 45 years of age or older. People over 45 outnumber those aged 18–34 by more than two to one.
It’s true that the percentage of people in the 18–25 and 26–34 age brackets inched up by a fraction of a percent between December 28 and February 1 and that the percentage of enrollees over 55 has fallen (to 30.7 percent from 32.8 percent). But it’s still rather an old bunch and it will take quite a surge of young and healthy people signing up this month to make any real change in this.
That’s bad news for insurers, since it makes it more likely that the premiums they’ll collect won’t cover their costs. The good news for insurers is this: the Administration has promised them billions in corporate welfare payments to ease their pain, something I’ll quantify later in the post.
The next chart shows another puzzling trend: most people who shopped for a plan in the exchange decided not to enroll.
This chart shows that 7.3 million people completed the enrollment process, providing a slew of personal information, including data about their finances, and were determined eligible to enroll in a plan. That’s not a particularly quick or easy process. And yet of 7.3 million who slogged through the process and could have taken the final step of selecting a plan, only 3.3 million did so.
While there has been lots of media attention to the 3.3 million people who did select a plan, there’s been almost nothing written about the 4 million who did not. The following chart takes a closer look.
The bar chart on the left shows that 4.2 million of the 7.3 million that were eligible to enroll in coverage through the exchanges qualified for a subsidy. Of those, 2.6 million — around 62 percent — selected a plan. Not bad.
But now look at the bar chart on the right. Of the 3.1 million who were eligible to enroll but did not qualify for subsidies, fewer than 600,000 selected a plan. More than 4 out of 5 people who were told they had to pay full price for coverage said no thanks. That’s a bit troubling and actually a little puzzling, since plans are using very tight provider networks and high deductibles to keep premiums about 15 percent lower than CBO expected. But even these premiums are higher than people who don’t get subsidies are willing to pay.
One result of this consumer aversion to pay full price for Obamacare coverage is that 82 percent of those that have selected a plan qualify for subsidies. That figure has been widely reported though one of its major causes is poorly understood: the overwhelming majority of enrollees will get subsidies because so few consumers will buy insurance without them.
This next chart provides an estimate of how many of the 3.3 million who had selected a plan as of February 1 actually have insurance coverage.
This cascade chart shows the number of people who were eligible to enroll (7.3 million), the number who selected a plan (3.3 million) and the estimated number of people who paid their first premium and who, consequently, are actually insured (2.6 million). That last number is based on industry estimates and survey data suggesting that 1 in 5 people who selected a plan never did pay their first premium.
But even that does not mean that 2.6 million people were newly insured. The McKinsey consultancy this week reported, based on its own survey data, that only 27 percent of those who had enrolled in coverage as of February 13 were previously uninsured (that’s up from 11 percent in a previous McKinsey survey). It also found that only 53 percent of previously uninsured people who selected a plan actually paid their first premium, compared with 86 percent of those who had coverage before. So only 27 percent of enrollees were previously uninsured and nearly half of them are still uninsured because they didn’t pay their first premium.
Piecing together these survey results with the CMS data, it seems reasonable to estimate that something in the range of 500,000 to 800,000 previously uninsured people have so far obtained coverage through the exchanges.
That number is nothing more than an educated guess, of course. Moreover, it represents a snapshot. With the enrollment deadline less than four weeks away, it is possible that a wave of young, healthy and uninsured people are flocking to healthcare.gov to obtain coverage to avoid the new federal tax penalty on the uninsured. We may well be looking at a very different enrollment picture when the final open season figures become available next month.
But what if it doesn’t turn out that way? What if insurers end up with a pool of subscribers who are older, sicker and fewer in number than they’d expected? Does that mean that they will seek exorbitant premium increases or stopped selling through the exchanges entirely?
Perhaps. But I don’t think so. Insurers selling through the exchanges do not have to rely exclusively on the premiums they collect to cover their costs. They also can count on billions in direct payments from the federal government designed to relieve them of most of the burden of costly claims and to allow them to turn profits even if their revenues fall short of projections.
The government released figures this week that quantifies the so-called “premium stabilization” payments that the government expects to make directly to insurers. The President’s FY 2015 budget estimates that the government will pay insurance companies nearly $15.5 billion for the current plan year, including:
- $10.02 billion in “reinsurance” payments, in which the government will pay 80 percent of the cost of claims in excess of $45,000; and
- $5.45 billion in “risk corridor” payments to compensate insurers whose actual costs exceed their projected costs by more than 3 percent.
This is an enormous amount of money that is in addition to revenues from premiums which, of course, also are subsidized by the government. Here is a chart that compares government subsidies to individuals with government subsidies for the current plan year that will be paid directly to insurance companies.
CBO estimates that subsidies to individuals for premiums will cost the government $13 billion this year and that cost-sharing subsidies — payments that reduce out-of-pocket payments by low-income enrollees for medical goods and services — will cost an additional $3 billion, for a total of around $16 billion. That’s only slightly more than the nearly $15.5 billion that insurers can expect in direct payments from the government.
The government will provide almost as much money to corporations that sell insurance as to individuals who buy it.
The Administration notes that it is extracting the $10 billion in “reinsurance” payments from people in group health plans. That is true. If you have employer-sponsored coverage, the IRS is taking money from your plan and HHS is distributing that money to insurers that sell through the exchanges. It is, in effect, a special tax targeted on people who obtain insurance through their employers to benefit companies that sell through the exchanges.
They also argue that the the government will recover the entire $5.45 billion in “risk corridor” outlays, a prospect that even the Kaiser Family Foundation’s Larry Levitt finds dubious. At best, those outlays will net to something less than $5.45 billion but still constitute a considerable subsidy.
And that is why enrollment figures, however they turn out this year and in the future, are less important than many have assumed. In a normal market, premiums must exceed an insurer’s costs, which requires an insurance pool broad enough to be financially viable. The exchanges are not normal markets, but government contrivances that distort market dynamics beyond recognition. As a result, the critical determinant of exchange viability is not the number and health of enrollees. Financial sustainability is rather determined by the combination of premium revenue and corporate welfare payments. Those payments should be sufficient to keep future premium increases tolerable and insurers profitable regardless of how many people obtain coverage and how healthy they are.
A comforting thought for insurers; less so for taxpayers.






An upside to the exchange concept : if we look ahead maybe 10 years and the employers are out of the insurance business, might a lot of people have better choices?
I believe once this exchange system is set , the free market might take hold. I always had fairly good medical plans with my companies, but i know some school teachers and blue collar people who were stuck with bad plan choices.
Just looking for some upside when the dust settles. 2025 the world will be quite different from today. Tesla, apple, google, will be in our rear view mirror.…
That is a real possibility and one I hope materializes. Those good plans that you’ve enjoyed with companies in the past are not long for this world. Beginning in 2018, the law imposes a 40 percent excise tax on employer-based health insurance that the government regards as too generous. So those policies will be “skinnied down” in a few years and will look more like those sold through the exchanges, with restrictive networks and formularies and high cost-sharing requirements. At that point, the incentive for employers to compete for workers by offering good health coverage will be greatly diminished, to the extent that it survives at all. So why not just have everyone obtain coverage through the exchanges?
I’m not certain that will give people more choices. What we’re seeing so far is that a handful of insurers are grabbing market share in most states. Four insurers in California, for example, control 96 percent of the market. In New Hampshire, there are two insurers, one of which controls 97 percent. I can cite half a dozen other states where a similar consolidation is occurring, although I don’t have enough information yet to know whether we’re looking at a national trend.
The more significant development might be the way that hospitals are acquiring medical practices and establishing market control in many geographic areas. Ezekiel Emanuel’s new book argues that this practice will lead to the end of insurance companies, perhaps as soon as 2020. The idea would be that the government will give hospital systems a set amount of money to provide health care to a population in an area. Hospitals will profit by minimizing the care they provide and pocketing the excess, without having to worry about insurance company “middle men,” as Emanuel calls them. I’m not sure Emanuel is right, but I can’t rule out that possibility.
Ultimately, I think that if we really want broad market competition (and I’m not sure that everyone does), Congress will have to make substantial changes to the law, relaxing regulations and giving insurers the freedom to offer a broader range of products. That could happen at some point, but I don’t expect to see it anytime soon.
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