![The Cyprus "bail-in" is no more popular today than when it was hatched last spring. [Credit: CNNMoney.com]](https://i0.wp.com/www.dougsbriefcase.com/blog/wp-content/uploads/2013/07/photo-credit-CNNMoney.jpg?resize=300%2C186)
The Cyprus “bail-in” is no more popular today than when it was hatched last spring. [Credit: CNNMoney.com]
The “bail-in” of Cypriot banks, so called because it requires people who have deposited their money in failing banks to help save those banks by forfeiting some of their deposits, is a portent of bank rescues to come. In addition to confiscating sizable chunks of deposits from accounts with large balances, the government imposed strict conditions on remaining deposits, regardless of size.
So how is that working out?
Not so well, it seems. In a letter to the Troika (a group that organized and helped finance the bailout, comprising the European Union (EU), the European Central Bank (ECB) and the International Monetary Fund (IMF)), which insisted on the bail-in as a condition for throwing a lifeline to the government and to what is now its largest bank, Cypriot President Nicos Anastasiades wrote:
“Artificial measures such as capital restrictions may seem to prevent a bank run in the short term but will only aggravate the depositors the longer they persist. Rather than creating confidence in the banking system they are eroding it by the day.”
It’s not hard to understand why such “capital restrictions” – government rules that prevent depositors from exercising full control over their own money — might erode people’s confidence in their banks. Imagine being told that you couldn’t close your savings or checking account. Or open a new one. Or withdraw more than a fixed amount. Or use the funds to pay a credit card bill. Or a medical bill.
A series of government decrees (there had been 16 as of June 25) established these restrictions. In the nearly four months that have passed since the Troika insisted on these restrictions, some have been relaxed. Others remain in place. They’ve reduced strains on banks but haven’t restored them to health. The Bank of Cyprus remains hobbled by debt and depositors have found creative ways to disgorge their money. Total deposits had declined to 56 billion euro by the end of May, compared with 72 billion euro a year earlier.
As in other European nations and the U.S., the banks’ sickness has visited grave consequences on average Cypriots. People are out of work. Businesses are failing. The economy is shrinking. Political instability can’t be far behind. In addition to his letter to the troika last month, Anastasiades met with ECB President Mario Draghi, although details of the meeting were not disclosed.
In the meantime, the government is desperately seeking a silver bullet, something to turn the economy around. Tourism is a perennial source of hope. Another are the gas deposits off the island’s southern shore. The value of these deposits and the feasibility of extracting sufficient amounts of gas to provide a meaningful boost to the country’s GDP remain uncertain. There is even speculation about reuniting the island under a single government. Turks have controlled the northern part of the island since 1974. Now that the current crisis is dramatically reducing living standards in the Greek-controlled south, such reunification, though still far-fetched, may become more feasible.
None of that, however, does much for Cypriots today. Their formerly booming economy, burgeoning real estate market, and healthy banking sector boosted by foreign (predominantly Russian) depositors are now a distant memory. Shockwaves from the Wall Street epicenter of the global financial crisis rattled Cyprus to its foundations. Like other nations on the European periphery, its banks are wobbly, its government entangled in debt, its economy reeling.
Meanwhile, our biggest banks are doing just fine, thank you. Buttressed by cheap access to credit and fortified by fees, including those it earns as a “primary dealer” for the Federal Reserve in its monthly $85 billion purchases of government bonds and mortgage-backed securities, JPMorgan Chase reported strong earnings last week. The earnings were bolstered by the fact that the mega-bank reduced the amount of capital it sets aside against future losses.
During the earnings call, bank officials were peppered with questions about their ability to comply with new federal rules that would require too-big-to-fail banks to hold bigger capital cushions. The proposed rules would require “bank holding companies” (the parent companies of large banks) to maintain capital reserves of at least 5 percent; their subsidiaries who accept deposits insured by the FDIC would have to hold equity equal to 6 percent. That would mean that the holding company would only be able to borrow $19 for every $1 in equity. The bank’s officials wouldn’t disclose its current leverage ratios, but acknowledged that neither its holding company nor its subsidiaries currently meet the proposed standards.
Banking lobbyists oppose those standards. They argue that society will be worse off if banks are forced to better prepare for future downturns by holding more capital. They will spend a good deal of money and energy over the next few months in an effort to persuade regulators to dial back the requirements.
I wouldn’t presume to comment on the details of this proposal and I place little faith in the capacity of sclerotic bureaucracies to keep banks secure. But the results of the last financial meltdown are lasting and profound. The government has resorted to extraordinary measures — bailout funds, stimulus bills, record deficits, zero interest rates, and wave after wave of “quantitative easing” — to coax the economy back to recovery. The results are unimpressive. And we are the lucky ones. Europe is back in recession, its periphery reeling from crisis to crisis, economic hardship fuels turmoil throughout North Africa and the Middle East, and developing countries are whipsawed by currency fluctuations.
Bank failures are at the root of these disruptions. Too-big-to-fail US banks, which have grown bigger since the 2008 meltdown, are in reasonably good health. Requiring them to hold more capital to make another meltdown less likely seems like sensible policy.