Season 3 of The Borgias premieres on Showtime this Sunday . For those not yet ensnared in this addiction, the series tells the story of Renaissance Pope Alexander VI, one of the papacy’s most devilishly interesting characters. Showtime takes the usual Hollywood liberties with history, though Alexander, born in Spain as Rodrigo de Borgia, led a life that needs no embellishing. A curious mix of religiosity and worldliness, calculation and dissipation, he would slip comfortably into our own culture as a larger-than-life celebrity or philandering politician. Historian John Julius Norwich reckons that Alexander “fathered no fewer than eight children by at least three different women,” but that never distracted him from his central task of protecting the wealth, power and influence of the papacy against rising nation-states like France and Spain. Though others saw him as a corrupter of the church, Alexander always imagined himself as its savior and protecter.
His many enemies included a Dominican friar named Savanarola, whose fiery sermons against the excesses of Alexander and of Florence’s ruling Medici family delighted and inspired the Florentine masses. Though a member of a religious order, Savanarola believed that God spoke to him directly, not through the religious hierarchy, constraining him to proclaim harsh words against Pope and prince.
So it is with David Stockman. An insider’s insider – Stockman was a Congressman, President Reagan’s Director of the Office of Management and Budget, then a Wall Street banker who came to a bad end in 2007 – Stockman, like Savanarola, broke ranks with the establishment, preaching economic ruin. This being the digital age, Stockman doesn’t expound his message of doom on the streets of Washington or the canyons of Wall Street, in the manner of Savanarola. Instead he chats it up with Jon Stewart and Wall Street Journal editors, writes a book, and delivers tidings of despair in an Easter morning op-ed in the New York Times.
His message is as straightforward as it is dark.
“The United States is broke — fiscally, morally, intellectually,” his Times op-ed declares. “When the latest bubble pops, there will be nothing to stop the collapse.”
Savanarola would have employed more apocalyptic imagery, perhaps, (popping bubbles hardly compares with stars shooting madly from their spheres), but Stockman’s message is no less ominous.
As he sees it, the seeds of our destruction were sown during the Roosevelt Administration and the resultant toxic weeds that now choke our economy have been cultivated ever since by politicians of both parties and by the Federal Reserve. He is critical of government deficits – he famously quit the Reagan Administration because the President did not share his passion for balanced federal budgets – which he sees as a misguided Keynesian economics. And he is especially critical of the Federal Reserve, which he accuses of “digitally print[ing] new money at the astounding rate of $600 million per hour.”
This new money, coupled with government borrowing, far from growing the economy as Keynesians predicted, has brought it to the edge of ruin. Stockman sees evidence of this decline all around him. Since, 2000, he writes:
“Economic output has grown by an average of 1.7 percent a year (the slowest since the Civil War); real business investment has crawled forward at only 0.8 percent per year; and the payroll job count has crept up at a negligible 0.1 percent annually. Real median family income growth has dropped 8 percent, and the number of full-time middle class jobs, 6 percent. The real net worth of the “bottom” 90 percent has dropped by one-fourth. The number of food stamp and disability aid recipients has more than doubled, to 59 million, about one in five Americans.”
As he traces the arc of our decline, Stockman singles out former Federal Reserve Chairman Alan Greenspan’s loose monetary policies for particular criticism.
“That Mr. Greenspan’s loose monetary policies didn’t set off inflation was only because domestic prices for goods and labor were crushed by the huge flow of imports from the factories of Asia. By offshoring America’s tradable-goods sector, the Fed kept the Consumer Price Index contained, but also permitted the excess liquidity to foster a roaring inflation in financial assets. Mr. Greenspan’s pandering incited the greatest equity boom in history, with the stock market rising fivefold between the 1987 crash and the 2000 dot-com bust.
“Soon Americans stopped saving and consumed everything they earned and all they could borrow. The Asians, burned by their own 1997 financial crisis, were happy to oblige us. They — China and Japan above all — accumulated huge dollar reserves, transforming their central banks into a string of monetary roach motels where sovereign debt goes in but never comes out. We’ve been living on borrowed time — and spending Asians’ borrowed dimes.”
Greenspan’s flood of money, Stockman says, resulted in a big boom and bust cycle for Wall Street, fueled yawning trade imbalances with Asia, and enabled consumers to use credit to live beyond their means despite stagnating wages. Greenspan was succeeded as Fed Chairman by Ben Bernanke, whose policies fueled the housing boom and enriched Wall Street bankers.
“The explosion of the housing market, abetted by phony credit ratings, securitization shenanigans and willful malpractice by mortgage lenders, originators and brokers, has been well documented. Less known is the balance-sheet explosion among the top 10 Wall Street banks during the eight years ending in 2008. Though their tiny sliver of equity capital hardly grew, their dependence on unstable “hot money” soared as the regulatory harness the Glass-Steagal Act had wisely imposed during the Depression was totally dismantled.”
But Stockman reserves his harshest criticism for the bailouts engineered by Bernanke and his compatriots Tim Geithner, then head of the New York Fed, and then-Treasury Secretary Hank Paulson, whose bailouts of Wall Street, he says, exemplify crony capitalism.
“There was never a remote threat of a Great Depression 2.0 or of a financial nuclear winter, contrary to the dire warnings of Ben S. Bernanke, the Fed chairman since 2006. The Great Fear — manifested by the stock market plunge when the House voted down the TARP bailout before caving and passing it — was purely another Wall Street concoction. Had President Bush and his Goldman Sachs adviser (a k a Treasury Secretary) Henry M. Paulson Jr. stood firm, the crisis would have burned out on its own and meted out to speculators the losses they so richly deserved. The Main Street banking system was never in serious jeopardy, ATMs were not going dark and the money market industry was not imploding.
“Instead, the White House, Congress and the Fed, under Mr. Bush and then President Obama, made a series of desperate, reckless maneuvers that were not only unnecessary but ruinous.”
The bailouts didn’t stop the stock market’s skid, however, and the major indices touched multi-year lows in March 2009. But the bull market is now in its fifth year and the S&P 500 has climbed beyond its 2007 highs. Doesn’t that vindicate the Federal Reserve’s policy? Quite the contrary, according Stockman. By bloating its balance sheet, the Fed risks economic havoc.
“If and when the Fed — which now promises to get unemployment below 6.5 percent as long as inflation doesn’t exceed 2.5 percent — even hints at shrinking its balance sheet, it will elicit a tidal wave of sell orders, because even a modest drop in bond prices would destroy the arbitrageurs’ profits. Notwithstanding Mr. Bernanke’s assurances about eventually, gradually making a smooth exit, the Fed is domiciled in a monetary prison of its own making…
“What’s at hand is a Great Deformation, arising from a rogue central bank that has abetted the Wall Street casino, crucified savers on a cross of zero interest rates and fueled a global commodity bubble that erodes Main Street living standards through rising food and energy prices — a form of inflation that the Fed fecklessly disregards in calculating inflation.
“These policies have brought America to an end-stage metastasis. The way out would be so radical it can’t happen. It would necessitate a sweeping divorce of the state and the market economy. It would require a renunciation of crony capitalism and its first cousin: Keynesian economics in all its forms. The state would need to get out of the business of imperial hubris, economic uplift and social insurance and shift its focus to managing and financing an effective, affordable, means-tested safety net.”
Stockman believes that our political system lacks the resolve to change its ways, locking us in to irreversible decline. At least Savanarola believed that if the Florentines repented their vanities and cast off the yoke of the Medici, God would show them mercy. America, unlike Florence, lies beyond God’s redeeming hand, according to Stockman. The next bubble will pop and nothing will stop our collapse. His concluding advice:
“Get out of the markets and hide out in cash.”
It should be said that the establishment regards Stockman as a bit of a loon, just as Pope Alexander must have regarded Savanarola. Figures on the left like Paul Krugman believe that the Federal Reserve, far from being reckless, as Stockman maintains, has actually been too timid, that it should flood the banks with more money and that Congress should run even larger deficits. Our tepid economic recovery, according to these thinkers, is due to our squeamishness about government debt and inflation. Figures on the right believe that if Congress and the President were to commit to fiscal rectitude, the economy would right itself over the longer term.
But Stockman is not so easily dismissed. Both parties seem curiously small and ineffective at explaining, much less addressing, more than five years of economic sputtering. And the Federal Reserve, as Stockman rightly notes, foresaw neither the real estate bubble nor its collapse and still denies its responsibility for either. Chairman Bernanke’s current claim that the Fed can unwind its trillions in asset purchases without crashing equity markets is less credible given past failures.
Like Pope Alexander and the Medicis, our leaders are convinced that they’re doing what’s best. Alexander deftly steered the church through shifting alliances with foreign powers, encouraging them to bring their armies into Italy in the papacy’s defense. That strategy was to backfire, as foreign invaders enriched themselves at Italy’s expense. The result was that Italy, then a center of international finance and the arts, fell into a centuries-long decline. Savanarola’s dark prophecies were in that sense fulfilled.
Let’s hope that the same won’t one day be said of Stockman.

Time to buy gold? Woops, guess not.
Great article.
Ha! Yeah, don’t think gold is doing so well these days.