Italian Lesson: What the President and Speaker Can Learn about Power from Giulio Andreotti

Giulio Andreotti  (credit: Corriere della Sera)

Giulio Andreot­ti (cred­it: Cor­riere del­la Sera)

“Pow­er only bur­dens those who don’t pos­sess it.”

– Giulio Andreot­ti, for­mer Ital­ian Prime Minister

What would Giulio Andreot­ti make of John Boehn­er and Barack Oba­ma?[Note: The quote in its orig­i­nal Ital­ian is here]

Chances are, you’ve nev­er heard of Andreot­ti, though he is among the most accom­plished politi­cians of the twen­ti­eth cen­tu­ry. Andreot­ti, who died ear­li­er this month at the age of 94, dom­i­nat­ed Ital­ian pol­i­tics for near­ly half a cen­tu­ry. He served as its prime min­is­ter on three sep­a­rate occa­sions and at one time or oth­er held vir­tu­al­ly every impor­tant cab­i­net min­istry. He was a polit­i­cal prodi­gy – elect­ed to help write the country’s new con­sti­tu­tion in 1946 at the age of 27, named under­sec­re­tary to the Coun­cil of Min­is­ters at age 28, and assum­ing a cab­i­net min­istry while still in his 30s.

Andreot­ti led the Chris­t­ian Demo­c­ra­t­ic Par­ty that ran the Ital­ian gov­ern­ment from the end of the Sec­ond World War through the ear­ly 1990s. His par­ty was anti-fas­cist, anti-com­mu­nist and pro-church, as its name sug­gests. It favored an expan­sive gov­ern­ment that insti­tut­ed all man­ner of social wel­fare pro­grams. In for­eign affairs, it was pro-Amer­i­can and anti-Soviet.

Though his career was remark­able both for its achieve­ments and its length, Andreot­ti is bet­ter remem­bered today for the scan­dals that pre­cip­i­tat­ed his fall. His ties to orga­nized crime are well-estab­lished. Even the Ital­ian appeals court that over­turned his con­vic­tion for Mafia-relat­ed activ­i­ty (because the statute of lim­i­ta­tions had expired) affirmed Andreotti’s “authen­tic, sta­ble and friend­ly open­ness towards mafiosi”.

The reform cam­paign (“mani pulite” or “clean hands”) that roust­ed Andreot­ti from office in 1993 and that result­ed in the demise of his par­ty iron­i­cal­ly inau­gu­rat­ed an era in Ital­ian pol­i­tics that would be dom­i­nat­ed by Sil­vio Berlus­coni, who at the time was viewed as a polit­i­cal out­sider, a suc­cess­ful busi­ness­man who would clean up Italy’s mess. Thus did “clean hands” give us “bun­ga-bun­ga.”

But it is no more fair to define Andreot­ti exclu­sive­ly by his scan­dals than to define Bar­ry Bonds exclu­sive­ly by his steroid use. Andreotti’s achieve­ments were extra­or­di­nary. When he first tast­ed pow­er, Italy was in ruins. Its econ­o­my rav­aged by two world wars in a gen­er­a­tion, its pol­i­tics poi­soned by the lega­cy of Mus­soli­ni and threat­ened by extrem­ists, its psy­che rav­aged by the rub­ble of Allied and Ger­man bom­bard­ments. From all of this arose an eco­nom­ic, polit­i­cal and cul­tur­al revival that looks the more remark­able in ret­ro­spect. Under Andreotti’s lead­er­ship, Italy emerged from its wreck­age to become a pros­per­ous and proud nation.

Italy over­came its prob­lems in part because its lead­ers made the tough choic­es and com­pro­mis­es that pol­i­tics requires.  They under­stood that pow­er was ephemer­al and time was short.  They pre­ferred deci­sions to excus­es, solu­tions to blame-shift­ing.  They were flawed — often deeply so — but their achieve­ments are inarguable.

I thought of Andreot­ti yes­ter­day morn­ing when Politi­co ran a piece enti­tled, “John Boehner’s Shrink­ing Pow­er.”

“House Speak­er John Boehn­er,” the arti­cle began, “who by title and posi­tion should be the sec­ond most pow­er­ful per­son in Wash­ing­ton, sure doesn’t seem or sound like it.

“He has lit­tle abil­i­ty to work his will with fel­low House Repub­li­cans. He has quit for good his solo efforts to craft a grand bar­gain on tax­es and spend­ing. And he hasn’t both­ered to ini­ti­ate a sub­stan­tive con­ver­sa­tion with Pres­i­dent Barack Oba­ma in this cal­en­dar year.

“All of this recent­ly prompt­ed Minor­i­ty Leader Nan­cy Pelosi, her­self a for­mer speak­er, to declare on MSNBC that if Boehn­er were a woman, he would be known as the weak­est speak­er in U.S. his­to­ry.”

Ouch. These crit­i­cisms of the Speak­er are not entire­ly fair. From the begin­ning, Boehn­er has made it clear that he want­ed to break from the recent tra­di­tion of heavy-hand­ed Speak­ers that ran from Newt Gin­grich to Den­ny Hastert (backed by the iron hand of Tom DeLay) to Nan­cy Pelosi. All cen­tral­ized pow­er in the office of the Speak­er at the expense of com­mit­tee chair­men and rank-and-file mem­bers. All met with dis­as­ter – Gin­grich was oust­ed by his par­ty just weeks after his sin­gle-mind­ed focus on impeach­ment hurt his par­ty at the polls, while Hastert and Pelosi had their tenures as Speak­er cut short by over­whelm­ing loss­es in mid-term elec­tions. Boehn­er has employed a delib­er­ate­ly lighter touch.

Still, results mat­ter more than style and, so far, those results have been unim­pres­sive. The Speak­er has failed to nego­ti­ate a “grand bar­gain” on the bud­get with the Pres­i­dent, failed to orga­nize his mem­bers behind a strat­e­gy to slow or even impede the imple­men­ta­tion of the health care law, and has strug­gled, often with­out suc­cess, to keep his par­ty focused and unit­ed. His biggest achieve­ment in 2013 was his fail­ure to craft any alter­na­tive to seques­tra­tion, some­thing that has result­ed in a reduc­tion in gov­ern­ment spend­ing while avoid­ing polit­i­cal harm, although the pol­i­cy of across-the-board cuts in mil­i­tary and domes­tic dis­cre­tionary spend­ing itself is hard­ly his party’s preference.

The President’s fail­ures so far this year are leg­endary – his pro­pos­al to ban “assault weapons” gar­nered just 40 votes in a body where his par­ty holds 55 seats, his efforts first to undo seques­tra­tion and then to blame Repub­li­cans for its con­se­quences have fall­en flat, and his bud­get, which arrived two months late, has large­ly been ignored.

His expla­na­tion for those fail­ures would make Andreot­ti cringe. Unem­ploy­ment remains high because of his pre­de­ces­sor, he failed on gun con­trol because of the NRA, he can’t advance his broad­er leg­isla­tive agen­da because of Rush Lim­baugh.

Just as the Pres­i­dent blames Rush Lim­baugh, the Speak­er blames the Pres­i­dent both for the nation’s woes and for Congress’s inabil­i­ty to relieve them. Both bend beneath the bur­den of pow­er, unable to wield it effec­tive­ly. So both focus on the next elec­tion, when they imag­ine that they will acquire the pow­er that they now believe eludes them.

Andreot­ti would like­ly remind them that they have pow­er now, that it won’t last for­ev­er, and that its weight doesn’t com­pare with the bur­den of its loss.