Obamacare: The More You Pay, The Less You Get

Obamacare enrollment increased this year, but only the poorest among the uninsured have so far signed up. [Credit: Arkansas Times]

Oba­macare enroll­ment increased this year, but only the poor­est among the unin­sured have so far signed up. [Cred­it: Arkansas Times]

Can gov­ern­ment get peo­ple to buy a prod­uct that mil­lions think isn’t worth the price?

That’s the ques­tion that health care ana­lysts are ask­ing as they pore over the results of the Oba­macare open sea­son that con­clud­ed on Feb­ru­ary 15.

On the sur­face, the data released ear­li­er this month by the Depart­ment of Health and Human Ser­vices are encour­ag­ing.  Near­ly 11.7 mil­lion peo­ple select­ed a plan this year, com­pared with just more than 8 mil­lion dur­ing the 2014 open season.

There are some cau­tion­ary signs.  Despite the influx of new sub­scribers, the age pro­file con­tin­ues to skew old­er.  Near­ly half are 45 or old­er and 26 per­cent are over 55.  Inter­est among the young remains large­ly unchanged over last year.

So is inter­est among mid­dle income peo­ple who lack cov­er­age.  Enroll­ment has been dom­i­nat­ed by those with the low­est incomes.  HHS reports that 83 per­cent of peo­ple who have select­ed plans have incomes between 100 per­cent ($11,770) and 250 per­cent ($29,425) of the fed­er­al pover­ty lev­el (FPL).  Med­ic­aid, mean­while, has grown by near­ly 20 per­cent since Oba­macare was launched, swelling its ranks to 70 mil­lion.   Rough­ly 22 per­cent of the U.S. pop­u­la­tion is now on Med­ic­aid, despite the refusal of 22 states to expand their programs.

An Avalere study released last Wednes­day gave fur­ther evi­dence that Oba­macare has so far large­ly attract­ed the poor and near poor and holds lit­tle appeal for unin­sured mid­dle income peo­ple.  The health con­sul­tan­cy found that 76 per­cent of eli­gi­ble unin­sured peo­ple with incomes less than 150 per­cent of FPL ($17,655) have select­ed a plan.

Only two per­cent of unin­sured peo­ple with incomes of 400 per­cent or more of FPL ($47,080) enrolled.  Put anoth­er way, 98 per­cent of unin­sured peo­ple who were most able to afford insur­ance and most like­ly to be penal­ized for not buy­ing it declined to enroll.

This para­dox­i­cal behav­ior results in part from Oba­macare’s para­dox­i­cal design: as pre­mi­ums rise, the val­ue of insur­ance cov­er­age falls.

The chart below illus­trates this para­dox.  It presents the Avalere find­ings (red bars), which show the per­cent­age of eli­gi­ble peo­ple (by per­cent of FPL) who have enrolled in cov­er­age. It also shows the com­bined cost of pre­mi­ums and deductibles (green scale on the right) at var­i­ous income lev­els for a 30-year-old indi­vid­ual (yel­low line) and a 40-year-old cou­ple (dark blue line).

Chart for blog in JPEG format

As the lines slope upwards, the bars cas­cade down­ward.  Unless the sum of pre­mi­ums and deductibles is very low, most peo­ple don’t seem inter­est­ed in health insurance.

The Avalere study is based on an analy­sis of healthcare.gov enroll­ment data.  I used healthcare.gov to com­pile illus­tra­tive infor­ma­tion on pre­mi­ums and deductibles for a Blue Cross (PPO) Sil­ver plan avail­able in Mitchell Coun­ty (KS).  Pre­mi­ums and deductibles vary by plan and coun­ty, but the gen­er­al tra­jec­to­ry of the yel­low and dark blue lines would be sim­i­lar for oth­er plans in oth­er coun­ties through­out the country.

Regard­less of loca­tion or insur­ance prod­uct, Oba­macare sub­si­dies assure that peo­ple with the low­est incomes pay the small­est pre­mi­ums and get the most gen­er­ous cov­er­age. Those who pay more for insur­ance get less gen­er­ous coverage.

The law pro­vides two forms of sub­si­dies.  The first lim­its pre­mi­ums and grad­u­al­ly phas­es out with income.  The sec­ond form of sub­sidy requires insur­ers to offer more com­pre­hen­sive cov­er­age to peo­ple with low earn­ings, reduc­ing deductibles and cost-shar­ing.  Unlike pre­mi­um sub­si­dies, which phase out grad­u­al­ly with income, these cost-shar­ing sub­si­dies drop in cliffs – at 151 per­cent and 201 per­cent of FPL – and dis­ap­pear entire­ly at 251 per­cent of FPL.

The lines illus­trate how the phas­ing out of these two sub­si­dies affects two hypo­thet­i­cal enrollees.  At 100 per­cent of pover­ty, a 30-year old (yel­low line) would pay an annu­al pre­mi­um of just $235 for cov­er­age, or less than $20 per month.  Her deductible would be just $250, so she’ll spend a max­i­mum of $485 before her cov­er­age kicks in (green scale on the right).  At 150 per­cent of pover­ty, her month­ly pre­mi­um ris­es to $58, but the sum of her annu­al pre­mi­um and deductible is still less than $1,000.  Lit­tle won­der that 76 per­cent of eli­gi­ble peo­ple with incomes between 100 and 150 per­cent of FPL have signed up for coverage.

That per­cent­age drops to 41 per­cent once we look at peo­ple with incomes between 151 and 200 per­cent of FPL, accord­ing to Avalere.  To see why, con­sid­er what hap­pens to deductibles for our hypo­thet­i­cal cou­ple should their income rise from 150 per­cent of FPL ($23,895) to 151 per­cent of FPL ($24,054).  That $3 per week pay increase results in a tripling of their health insur­ance deductible to $1,500.  (Our 30-year-old’s deductible also triples to $750.)

Though their pre­mi­ums still are heav­i­ly sub­si­dized (they pay just $80 per month for cov­er­age, an 84% dis­count against the unsub­si­dized pre­mi­um of $515),  the cou­ple now has to think about whether insur­ance that requires them to pay the first $1,500 in claims out of their own pock­ets is worth the cost.  The sum of pre­mi­um and deductible — $2,462 – means that they would have to spend more than 10 per­cent of their income before their pol­i­cy would begin pay­ing most med­ical bills.  It is rea­son­able for them to decide this is a bad deal, as three in five unin­sured peo­ple in this income range so far have.

Our cou­ple con­tin­ues to ben­e­fit from the sub­si­dies, but at 251 per­cent of FPL ($42,215) are still required to pay near­ly $270 month­ly for cov­er­age with a $5,000 deductible.  The sum of that couple’s annu­al pre­mi­um ($3,239) and deductible comes to $8,239, or near­ly 20 per­cent of their income.  Our 30-year-old isn’t doing much bet­ter.  She is now expect­ed to pay $200 per month for cov­er­age with a $2,500 deductible.  Which helps explain why 4 out of 5 unin­sured peo­ple with incomes between 251 and 300 per­cent of FPL have not enrolled in coverage.

That per­cent­age con­tin­ues to decline by income group until it final­ly reach­es just 2 per­cent of peo­ple who earn more than four times the pover­ty level.

There are three pos­si­ble expla­na­tions for why take-up rates are so low for peo­ple with incomes above 150 per­cent of FPL.  One is that the gov­ern­ment hasn’t done a good enough job edu­cat­ing peo­ple about the ben­e­fits of Oba­macare.  Most aren’t yet famil­iar enough with the prod­uct or com­fort­able enough with the enroll­ment process, the argu­ment goes, some­thing that will improve with time.  That is cer­tain­ly pos­si­ble.  No one expect­ed big enroll­ment totals dur­ing the first two open sea­sons.  Per­haps sign­ing up for cov­er­age will become more wide­spread next year.

Then again, peo­ple are behav­ing as though they under­stand the program’s costs and ben­e­fits per­fect­ly well.  Those with incomes below 150 per­cent of FPL are get­ting the best deal and more than ¾ of them already have signed up.  Declin­ing par­tic­i­pa­tion at high­er income lev­els reflects the dete­ri­o­ra­tion of that val­ue propo­si­tion: the high­er your pre­mi­ums, the greater your cost-shar­ing.  Remain­ing unin­sured can be a ratio­nal deci­sion even for peo­ple eli­gi­ble for sub­si­dies, as our hypo­thet­i­cal con­sumers illustrate.

A sec­ond expla­na­tion implic­it­ly con­cedes that most peo­ple will con­tin­ue to refuse cov­er­age despite out­reach and edu­ca­tion efforts.  Car­o­line Pear­son, senior vice pres­i­dent of Avalere, argues that gov­ern­ment should more aggres­sive­ly enforce tax penal­ties on the uninsured.

“So far, tax cred­its do not appear to be enough to entice par­tic­i­pa­tion,” she said, “so greater empha­sis on indi­vid­ual man­date penal­ties may be need­ed to help increase enroll­ment among low- and mid­dle-income individuals.”

We’ll soon have a bet­ter idea of how effec­tive coer­cion will be in induc­ing peo­ple to buy insur­ance.  An esti­mat­ed six mil­lion peo­ple are being forced to pay the new tax on the unin­sured as they file their 2014 tax returns.  This tax, which is capped at one per­cent of income this year, will dou­ble next year.  HHS has announced a spe­cial enroll­ment peri­od for those who are now being hit with the tax.  If they sign up for cov­er­age by April 30, they won’t have to pay the tax penal­ty again next year.  If a sub­stan­tial por­tion of those six mil­lion sign up for cov­er­age, per­haps Ms. Pear­son will be proven right.  Stiffer penal­ties might prod peo­ple into buy­ing insur­ance, even though they don’t think it’s worth the price.

Health pol­i­cy ana­lyst Robert Laszews­ki doubts the poten­tial effects of edu­ca­tion and coer­cion.  “The answer,” he writes, “is not a greater empha­sis on the indi­vid­ual man­date penal­ties when peo­ple choose not to pay more than they can afford for a lousy prod­uct.” That prod­uct is lousy, Laszews­ki argues, because gov­ern­ment has been so pre­scrip­tive in dic­tat­ing what insur­ance must cov­er and what it may not.  The law restricts insur­ers from offer­ing an inno­v­a­tive vari­ety of prod­ucts, allow­ing them to dif­fer­en­ti­ate them­selves from their com­peti­tors only by pre­mi­ums, cost-shar­ing and provider networks.

Instead of get­ting tougher on the unin­sured, he pro­pos­es scrap­ping penal­ties on indi­vid­u­als and busi­ness­es, while allow­ing insur­ers to offer a broad­er range of cov­er­age options. The law should be amend­ed to pro­vide peo­ple with “health insur­ance choic­es they find worth the money.”

Per­haps expand­ing the menu of options will moti­vate more con­sumers to choose cov­er­age.  But more items on the menu won’t tempt peo­ple who aren’t hun­gry.  It may be that mil­lions of Amer­i­cans pre­fer to spend their mon­ey on things oth­er than health insur­ance, despite gov­ern­ment efforts to edu­cate them, strong-arm them with tax penal­ties or entice them with more choices.

Pol­i­cy­mak­ers may con­sid­er such behav­ior irre­spon­si­ble, but that’s not entire­ly fair.  The poor and near-poor are get­ting very gen­er­ous cov­er­age at steeply dis­count­ed prices sub­si­dized by tax­pay­ers; the sick obtain insur­ance at rates far below the costs their care will impose on their fel­low pol­i­cy­hold­ers and tax­pay­ers.  By buy­ing health insur­ance at rates sub­si­dized by oth­ers, indi­vid­u­als in both groups are act­ing out of self-inter­est.  If self-inter­est is hon­or­able when it impos­es costs on oth­ers, why is it dis­hon­or­able when it leads a con­sumer to refuse cov­er­age that does­n’t pro­vide much value?

Oba­macare has so far func­tioned as an income trans­fer pro­gram in which mid­dle income peo­ple finance Med­ic­aid expan­sions and health insur­ance sub­si­dies for the poor and near-poor.  Most unin­sured mid­dle class peo­ple have so far declined to pur­chase insur­ance because the cov­er­age isn’t worth the price.  Their tax­es are sub­si­diz­ing cov­er­age for oth­ers.  It seems unfair to hit them with an addi­tion­al tax for refus­ing to buy insur­ance for them­selves, espe­cial­ly when that cov­er­age is less valu­able than the cov­er­age they are sub­si­diz­ing for others.

Oba­macare’s “pay more, get less” regime has made remain­ing unin­sured an eco­nom­i­cal­ly ratio­nal deci­sion even for mil­lions of peo­ple who are eli­gi­ble for sub­si­dies.  Which may explain why the gov­ern­ment is under­achiev­ing in its efforts to per­suade mil­lions of peo­ple to buy a prod­uct they just don’t think is worth the price.

5 thoughts on “Obamacare: The More You Pay, The Less You Get”

  1. “The sec­ond form of sub­sidy requires insur­ers to offer more com­pre­hen­sive cov­er­age to peo­ple with low earn­ings, reduc­ing deductibles and cost-sharing.”

    I am a lit­tle con­fused. The “pay more, get less” theme of this arti­cle and the quote above from the arti­cle itself sug­gests that the low­er one is on the eco­nom­ic scale, the bet­ter one’s actu­al health­care cov­er­age is under Oba­macare. But else­where in the arti­cle it states that gov­ern­ment has been ” … pre­scrip­tive in dic­tat­ing what insur­ance must cov­er and what it may not … allow­ing them to dif­fer­en­ti­ate them­selves from their com­peti­tors only by pre­mi­ums, cost-shar­ing and provider networks.” 

    Do those at the low­er income lev­els have cov­er­age for health­care ser­vices and ben­e­fits that high­er-income indi­vid­u­als do not? Or are the same health­care plans avail­able to all, just increas­ing­ly cost­ly as one’s income ris­es? If the for­mer, could you pro­vide spe­cif­ic exam­ples of ser­vices and ben­e­fits that those at the low­er end of the income spec­trum would have access to that those at the mid­dle to upper end would not?

    Thank you, and thank you for your infor­ma­tive and well-writ­ten piece.

    • Very good ques­tion and one to which I’m sor­ry to be so slow to respond.

      There are two things at work here — the essen­tial health ben­e­fits pack­age and the enhanced cov­er­age for peo­ple with low incomes. Let’s look first at the essen­tial health ben­e­fits pack­age. Each state has a bench­mark plan that cov­ers some items and ser­vices and excludes oth­ers. Insur­ers are required (whether sell­ing through the exchange or out­side it) to offer this same bench­mark plan. A plan is not per­mit­ted to exclude cov­er­age of items and ser­vices that are in the bench­mark and they are for­bid­den to cov­er items and ser­vices that are exclud­ed. They are per­mit­ted to dif­fer­en­ti­ate them­selves through pre­mi­ums (so long as their pre­mi­ums are approved by state and fed­er­al reg­u­la­tors) and by net­works. They can, for exam­ple, offer the bench­mark plan through a broad pan­el of pre­ferred providers or they can require pol­i­cy­hold­ers to get their care from a very restric­tive physi­cian network.

      They also can vary “cost-shar­ing,” sub­ject to strict lim­its. This is where the so-called “met­al lev­els” come in. So a Sil­ver Plan must have an actu­ar­i­al val­ue of 70 per­cent, mean­ing that for an aver­age pop­u­la­tion, insur­ance would pay 70 per­cent of the cost of cov­ered, in-net­work ser­vices. Bronze plans have an actu­ar­i­al val­ue of 60 per­cent; gold, 80 per­cent; and plat­inum, 90 percent.

      This dif­fer­ence in actu­ar­i­al val­ue is reflect­ed in pre­mi­ums and cost-shar­ing. A plat­inum plan will cost more but will have low­er deductibles than a sil­ver plan. Both plans cov­er exact­ly the same items and ser­vices; the only dis­tinc­tion is the trade­off between pre­mi­um and cost-sharing.

      All of that is true for peo­ple with incomes above 250 per­cent of FPL. Below that, the gov­ern­ment requires insur­ers to juice up the cov­er­age. And while pre­mi­um sub­si­dies are set based on the sec­ond cheap­est Sil­ver Plan in an area, peo­ple below 250 per­cent of pover­ty who pur­chase a sil­ver plan actu­al­ly get more gen­er­ous cov­er­age. From 100–150 per­cent of FPL, the insur­er has to juice-up the actu­ar­i­al val­ue to 94 per­cent (which makes it more valu­able than a plat­inum plan). In our exam­ple, the Blue Cross plan enhances the cov­er­age in part by reduc­ing the deductible to $250. At 151 per­cent, the actu­ar­i­al val­ue drops to 87 per­cent. At 201 per­cent of FPL, it is 73 per­cent. And at 251 per­cent of pover­ty, it reverts to 70 percent.

      My post the­o­rizes that this juic­ing up of cov­er­age helps explain why take­up rates are so high for peo­ple with incomes up to 150 per­cent of FPL and so low for every­one else. When buy­ing cov­er­age, peo­ple care not only about what they’re pay­ing (pre­mi­ums), but what they’re expect­ed to pay should they require med­ical care (deductibles and oth­er cost-shar­ing). Nobody is sophis­ti­cat­ed enough to know the actu­ar­i­al val­ue of the insur­ance they choose, but every­body can (and I sus­pect most do) cal­cu­late premium+deductible. If I know that I have to spend 10 or 20 per­cent of my income before my med­ical cov­er­age ful­ly kicks in, I’m prob­a­bly not going to buy it, even if my pre­mi­ums are heav­i­ly subsidized.

      It’s still just a the­o­ry, of course. It may be that tax penal­ties will induce peo­ple to buy cov­er­age that isn’t worth the price. Or it may be that, with time, more peo­ple will enroll as they become more com­fort­able with the process.

      But my hypoth­e­sis is that the price/value equa­tion will make Oba­macare unat­trac­tive to most peo­ple with incomes above 200 per­cent of FPL.

  2. Excel­lent arti­cle expos­ing the TRUTH about the “Afford­able (sic) Care Act.” I am appar­ent­ly one of the 2% of morons pay­ing an exces­sive price for almost noth­ing. I only do it because I con­sid­er it to be cat­a­stroph­ic cov­er­age. I had over $5000 in med­ical bills last year and paid near­ly $5000 for my Oba­macare insur­ance pre­mi­ums (which paid $0 towards the $5000 in med­ical bills). Before Oba­macare, I paid about half as much for a plan with a $2500 deductible. It’s enough to make me pur­pose­ly scale back my busi­ness to earn less mon­ey (I’m self — employed). It’s tru­ly amaz­ing how une­d­u­cat­ed most Amer­i­cans are about the truth of Oba­macare. If they have employ­er pro­vid­ed healt insur­ance and it does­n’t affect them, they just don’t edu­cate them­selves about it. The lib­er­al media has done an excel­lent job of keep­ing the truth a secret. Oba­macare is just anoth­er wel­fare program.

    • Very sor­ry to hear that, Lynne. We’ve some­how for­got­ten that many who have enrolled in Oba­macare plans did so only because the law required insur­ers to can­cel the cov­er­age they liked. Now they’re pay­ing more for less. There has to be a bet­ter way.

  3. Pingback: Obamacare: The More You Pay, The Less You Get - THE 2017 PROJECT THE 2017 PROJECT

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