![Tevi Troy's new book explores how presidents interact with popular culture ... like this awkward moment when the President met The King. [Credit: The Guardian]](https://i0.wp.com/www.dougsbriefcase.com/blog/wp-content/uploads/2013/09/credit-the-guardian.jpg?resize=300%2C180)
Tevi Troy’s new book explores how presidents interact with popular culture … like this memorable moment when the President met The King. [Credit: The Guardian]
What Jefferson Read, Ike Watched and Obama Tweeted (Regnery) is a work whose readability masks what must have been a tedious task of scholarship. Troy’s light style moves the reader effortlessly along, accompanying weighty insights with delicious anecdotes. How U.S. Grant, then in the terminal stages of throat cancer, teamed with Mark Twain to write his memoirs in order to provide for his family after his death. (If only Breaking Bad’s Walter White had thought of that.) How William McKinley, while being treated for the gunshot wound that would claim his life, asked for a newspaper to learn how his recent — and last — speech had been received. Al Jolson’s campaign song for Warren G. Harding (“We think the country’s ready for another man like Teddy”). Gerald Ford arranging for Queen Elizabeth II to be entertained by the Cap’n and Tenille’s rendition of “Muskrat Love.” (Tenille recalled that “a stone-faced Henry Kissinger sat four feet from her during the performance, arms folded impassively across his chest.”) Willie Nelson’s adventure during his visit to President Carter, where he claims to have smoked “a big fat Austin torpedo” on the White House roof.
Like a true baseball fan, Troy also has leavened his work with statistics. Jefferson collected 6,487 books, which formed the core of the Library of Congress; Woodrow Wilson attended 225 plays while in office; Jimmy Carter watched 480 movies during his lone White House term; George W. Bush read 186 books between 2006 and 2008, including 95 in 2006 alone, 58 of which were non-fiction. Harry Truman was the last President who did not earn a bachelor’s degree, George H.W. Bush the last without a graduate degree, Reagan the last without a degree from Harvard or Yale.
Troy is an unapologetic devotee of the Founders and the book suggests that the story of the presidency’s interaction with the broader culture is one of decline, as the title of his Introduction – “From Cicero to Snooki” – suggests. The Founders were devoted to their books, devouring everything from the Classics to history, philosophy and the law. Their reading rendered them:
“Remarkably well-prepared for the task that history presented them. They were immersed in the timeless questions of what makes a just society and how men are best governed. As Leo Strauss observed, the Founders combined the great traditions of Athens and Jerusalem, of reason and revelation…The Founders viewed reading not merely as entertainment but as a path to wisdom, virtue and toward a just society.”
They considered reading essential to the republic’s survival. Troy quotes Jefferson’s warning: “If a nation expects to be ignorant and free, in a state of civilization, it expects what never was and never will be.”
George Washington, though not a voracious reader when measured against the likes of Jefferson and Adams, maintained a library of 900 books, a figure that grows more impressive when one considers that a book like Adam Smith’s Wealth of Nations cost the equivalent of what an iPad costs today.
The Founders led a nation of readers. Literacy rates in America, Troy observes, were higher than those in Europe at the time. Thomas Paine’s political tract, Common Sense, sold 100,000 copies, one for every twenty-five residents, which would translate to 12.5 million sales in the present day.
Even in the Founder’s time, however, reading wasn’t the only venue of culture. Theater was also among the popular preoccupations, one that grew in importance during the nineteenth century as cultural and legal restrictions were relaxed. Theater was changing and with it the broader culture. The Jackson presidency reflected this cultural change. The shift from the erudite John Quincy Adams to the populist Andrew Jackson marked a shift in the paradigm of American leaders.
“After Jackson, presidents would not have to be well-read or well-educated, but they would need to have the common touch … In the wake of the Jacksonian ascendance, struggles between enlightened intellectual leadership and an understanding of the common man would firmly be decided in favor of the common man.”
Not that reading was dead. Harriet Beecher Stowe’s Uncle Tom’s Cabin not only inspired the flagging Abolition movement but gave America literary credibility in Europe. Lincoln’s legendary appetite for books lifted him from poverty and obscurity to the White House. But books alone were not responsible for Lincoln’s success. In post-Jacksonian America, he had to “straddle the world of the common man and that of the enlightened leader.”
Lincoln succeeded spectacularly at a task that proved more than many who followed him could handle. Teddy Roosevelt, a student of Lincoln, also fared well. “One of the last presidents to obtain information primarily through reading,” Troy tells us, Roosevelt joined his love of books – or what he called his reading “disease” – with a love of the outdoors. The former inspired his meteoric rise to the White House; the latter earned him the popular support that made that rise possible.
The progress of communications technologies like radio and the movies fueled the emergence of celebrities and rendered the presidency “more approachable but less dignified.” As presidents revealed their preferences for movies or songs, they took on the “role as chief pitchman, intentional or not, in an increasingly commercial culture.”
And while Teddy Roosevelt succeeded in this role as well, it was his cousin Franklin who “proved the original master of this new pop culture, and none of his successors has excelled him.” Radio made FDR, whose use of the medium became a model for Ronald Reagan. He also cultivated celebrity endorsements, appearing at the LA Olympic Stadium during his 1932 campaign with Charlie Chaplin, Laurel and Hardy, Clark Gable and Boris Karloff. More than any of his predecessors, FDR was responsible for “the transformation of the president into a media star.”
Some were more comfortable with stardom than others. Truman and LBJ were decidedly uncomfortable and Eisenhower seemed almost completely uninterested in cultivating celebrity support.
Democrats have fared far better than Republicans at wooing celebrities. Perhaps none surpassed the awkwardness of Nixon, who received Elvis Presley at the White House, granting his request to become a “Federal Agent-at-Large.” Elvis, according to Nixon aide Egil “Bud” Krogh, arrived “dressed in a purple jumpsuit and a white shirt open to the navel with a big gold chain and thick-rimmed sunglasses.” He complained to the President that “the Beatles came over here and made a lot of money and said some un-American things.” A befuddled Nixon asked Krogh, “What’s this about the Beatles?”
Even Ronald Reagan, the Republican most adept at using the media to his political advantage, had his embarrassing moments. Bruce Springsteen rebuked him for using his “Born in the USA” as a GOP pep-rally anthem. The song’s upbeat tempo belies its darkly pessimistic lyrics (“the first kick I took is when I hit the ground”) that were entirely contrary to Reagan’s “morning in America” theme. George H.W. Bush fared no better with the vapid “Don’t Worry, Be Happy,” affording Bobby McFerrin the opportunity to announce his opposition to the Republican standard-bearer.
Bill Clinton, on the other hand, basked in celebrity glory. His choice of the insipid 70s hit, “Don’t Stop Thinking About Tomorrow,” as his campaign theme song won him the enthusiastic embrace of Fleetwood Mac, who reunited to perform the number at Clinton’s inaugural ball. Troy notes that, aside from the entertainment world’s strong preference for Democrats over Republicans, Clinton succeeded in appropriating the tune because he – unlike Nixon, Reagan and Bush – knew and genuinely liked the music he was exploiting. Americans can spot a phony.
Republicans are decidedly more comfortable with movies than popular music, despite Hollywood’s rejection of conservative ideology (except when it comes to their own property rights). Troy tells us that Ike loved Westerns (as did Stalin and Khrushchev), that Nixon was an avid movie watcher whose favorite was Patton, and that Ronald Reagan, with some exceptions, preferred films made during his acting career to those of the 1980s.
Kennedy and Johnson, on the other hand, had little patience for films. Kennedy “preferred living like James Bond to watching him on the screen,” according to Troy, listing Marilyn Monroe, Zsa Zsa Gabor, Marlene Dietrich, Jayne Mansfield, Gene Tierney, Kim Novak, Audrey Hepburn, Sophia Loren, and Angie Dickinson among his conquests. The less sexually prodigious Johnson favored movies about himself. Troy tells us that though he rarely watched movies, he saw A President’s Country, a government documentary narrated by Gregory Peck, a dozen times.
Clinton proclaimed that he loved movies “almost to the point of compulsion.” Troy observes that Clinton’s political success “stemmed from his serious engagement with popular culture.”
“He understood that movies had an escapist quality but that they also allowed America to present an idealized version of itself to the world. Presidents, who must present an idealized version of themselves, have succeeded when utilizing movies to convey their best characteristics to the voting public.”
Clinton’s obsession with movies is matched by Obama’s obsession with television. Citing Obama’s autobiographies, Troy says that the future President spent his youth in “nonstop television viewing,” a habit that he brought to the White House. The President loves ESPN (Troy quotes him as saying, “I basically floss my teeth and watch SportsCenter”) and all things sports, but also lists Homeland, Mad Men, Boardwalk Empire, Entourage and The Wire among his passions. Politico’s Glenn Thrush has observed that Obama “seeks shallower waters, especially in times of crisis,” using television as “comfort food.” His preferred shows, Troy writes, “are dark and edgy – decidedly not family fare – so he usually watches them alone.”
And though Obama’s literary consumption in the White House is considerably less than that of his predecessor, he is well-read, his politics and ideology shaped by books. Indeed, despite all the cultural changes since the days of the Founders, our presidents still find time to read.
“Not only are most modern American presidents readers, but they tend to read a lot and to read thoughtfully. … Reading makes presidents more serious in an era where leadership often debases itself. If there’s anything presidential left about the presidency, we may have the presidents’ reading to thank.”
Reading is essential to striking the right balance between gravitas and accessibility, Troy argues.
“Leaders must prove they are ‘of the people’ by displaying their conversance with popular culture while maintaining an appearance of intellectual achievement. These goals can be mutually contradictory, and presidents must walk a careful line between flaunting their intellectual worth and relating to the populace.”
Like Macchiaveli, Troy includes some maxims for leaders on how best to tread that careful line: understand the top shows, bestsellers and blockbusters, but don’t comment on them; subtly communicate what you read and watch; if you criticize artists or celebrities, you empower them to criticize you; politicians who live by the rules of celebrity die by the rules of celebrity; a President can be cool for only so long; comedians are more dangerous than producers or reporters.
And the maxim that perhaps best captures the theme of Troy’s work: “Popular culture can help you get elected. But reading is still king.”